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Oláh Róbert567 -- 580

The aim of our study is to examine the designation “Calvinist” in the works of Hungarian Reformed theologians of the early modern age. Theologians mostly formulated their views on this subject within disputes with Roman Catholics. The Roman Catholics accused the Protestants of following the teachings of the reformers rather than those of Christ. The Calvinists consistently brought their church in connection with Christ. They rejected to call the church Calvinist mainly because of dogmatic considerations, claiming the primary place to Christ’s role in the redemption. Reformed theologians stressed that they did not receive baptism in Calvin. In the course of these disputes, they referred to the First letter of the Apostle Paul to the Corinthians. From a church historical viewpoint, it was a key issue to settle whether Calvinist churches originated in Christ or in Calvin – the latter involving accusations of innovation and heresy. With the appearance of István P. Czeglédi (1619–1671) a tactical shift can be witnessed. A number of theologians conditionally accepted the attributive use of the designation “Calvinist”, while others continued to reject it.

Református Szemle 112.5 (2019)Research articleChurch history
Csendes László534 -- 561

In 1956 Bishop László Ravasz expressed his views on church policy and the general situation of religious communities in Eastern Europe before the meeting of the Central Committee of the World Council of Churches in Galyatető, Hungary. His text was conceived as “advice” addressed to the members of the Bethany Movement. My paper’s main target is to contextualise and publish this interpretation regarding the relationship between Christian Churches and the communist state.
In 1958 a major turning point appeared in the church-state relation on both sides of the “Iron Curtain”. After the Lambeth and Nyborg Conferences, Western openness and diplomatic efforts led to the enlargement of the World Council of Churches (New Delhi 1961), gathering Protestant and Orthodox Churches in the communion of prayer and work. At the same time, Nikita Khrushchev’s totalitarian attempt to annihilate religious structures in the Soviet Union was concealed behind his apparent “disposability for dialogue”. By organising the „Christian” Peace Conference (Prague 1958), the Kremlin continued “destalinisation”, promoting, in fact, Stalin’s policy of apparent peace in the East-West relations, while the political police went on destroying the Church and the aim it was created for. The new abuses were justified by the slogan of “Leninist legality”. Trying to find the Romanian way to build communism, Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej, the old-new party leader and his subdued judicial system brought religious faith in the prisoner’s box. Persecution focused especially on religious minority groups, such as Catholics, Reformed, Unitarians, Lutheran Evangelicals, Pentecostals, Baptist, and others, but, also, attacked the majority Orthodox monastic life. During the show-trials, the fictive scene became a sacrificial place, where those who were searching for the truth of God fell prey to the injustice of the immolators who imposed by force their atheistic “truth”.
The National Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives (CNSAS) has been preserving detailed data, descriptions of the facts and nuances concerning thousands of aggressors and victims of (post-) Stalinism. Emblematic was the case of Richard Wurmbrand, who first suffered imprisonment (after a sentence pronounced in a Kangaroo Court), being released afterwards by the authorities in 1964, for an amount of 10 000 USD.

Református Szemle 108.5 (2015)Research articleChurch history