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The Second Epistle of Peter makes an important, and in some ways unconventional con-tribution to our understanding of biblical eschatology. The main message of the Epistle is clear: this world must be destroyed by fire so that “new heavens and a new earth may take its place”. In the New Testament, only Revelation speaks so clearly about the cosmic consequences of the Day of the Lord. However, the statement about the great final conflagration raises literary, text-critical and theological questions. In this study we will approach these questions by considering the context in which the Epistle was written and by exploring the theological thread to which the motif of the final conflagration belongs.

The study begins with the homiletical exegesis of 2 Corinthians 8:7–9. In the first major section, preparatory elements take centre stage. Throughout the exploration of the pericope's historical, exegetical, and theological dimensions, we delve into the relationship between Paul and the Corinthians, the collection for Jerusalem and theological motifs such as incarnation and offertory. The homiletical exegesis is followed by an outline for a Christmas sermon. The final points of the study provide additional perspectives and illustrations for shaping the worship service.

In the field of homiletics, one of the most intriguing questions is the dynamics of the text-pastor-preacher triad. It is notable that these constituent elements are often more amenable to individual scrutiny than when examined collectively. What constitutes the text? Who embodies the role of the preacher? And what precisely characterises the sermon? In contemporary discourse, we possess a clearer understanding of these components than ever before. This paper undertakes an analysis of the homiletic approach pioneered by Wilfried Engemann, particularly his formulation of "competent homiletics". Engemann’s approach delves into the constituent elements with greater granularity and nuance, thereby endeavouring to apprehend the intricate relationship among them with utmost precision. Furthermore, this essay underscores the essential prelude to the text-pastor-preacher triad, namely the hermeneutical text-author-reader triangle. It is imperative to recognise that the dynamics and efficacy of the former are significantly influenced by the operation of the latter. Given due consideration to this factor, this paper presents a model of scriptural interpretation that holds the potential to catalyse significant creative processes within the pastoral practice of preaching. The potential applications of this model will be explored within the context of The First Letter of Peter.

For centuries, the position of the biblical text in the preaching of the church has been determined by the Reformed principle of Sola Scriptura. Preaching starts with the Bible and ends with it. The theories of Thomas G. Long and Wilfried Engemann point out that it is insufficient and inadequate to limit the biblical preaching of the church to this observation. What is needed are theories that give a contemporary and professional interpretation of biblicism as a homiletical category and that expose the paradigm shifts behind the pathos of Sola Scriptura. The synthesis has sought to present theologians who, with clarity and proper reflection, will help us interpret the paradigm shifts. The German Wilfried Engemann considers the homiletical triangle of text-preacher-congregation in the context of life lived by faith, and the American Thomas G. Long in the context of the encounter with Jesus. Engemann provides the preacher with a homiletic map, like an online Google map indicating the current road information: where to expect road repairs, traffic jams, direction extensions, etc. From Long, we get more of a “kerygmatic homiletics”, i.e. a compass instead of a map. Engemann’s concepts are more elegant, differentiated and original, Long’s are more prosaic, expansive and embedded. Both approaches are “lamps shining in a dark place” standing on the table of the contemporary preacher, who must be able to navigate both with compass and map until “the day dawns and the morning star arises in your hearts” (2 Pt 1:19).

1 Peter 3:18–22 is one of the strangest and most difficult texts of the Scriptures. The paraenesis addressing the unjustly suffering Christians in Asia Minor is amended by a confession of faith. The pericope testifies that the death, resurrection, ascension and redemption of Christ has much broader spatial and temporal implications than one might think at first. This article aims to mark the exegetical and theological coordinates of the mysterious encounter between Christ and the souls in prison. Three questions will be explored: Who are these souls? What did Christ preach them about? When did the encounter take place?

This article engages in an ethical analysis of 1-2Peter. In these epistles the Christians of Asia Minor receive relevant and actualized ethical message. The ethical teaching of the Petrine letters is not presented in a distilled manner, because what is at stake here is not simply an ethical exigency but the very nature of the relationship between God and humans, God and the believer. In the case of 1Pt, the focus is on submissiveness and doing good especially in times of suffering, experiencing the power of the (epistemological) turn: from intuition to imitatio Christi. As for 2Pt, we find this Relationship embedded in the tension between effort and participation.

The reception of John Calvin’s theology and social thoughts in Hungary raises several historical, judicial and theological questions. The multi-faceted legacy of Péter Melius Juhász makes it clear that Calvin’s theological and ethical considerations had a profound impact on the sixteenth century moral life of the local townsfolk of Debrecen. But the exploration of the practical aspects of this influence has been neglected in current Calvin-studies. For this reason, the primary intention of the present study is to show what practical implications in the field of public morals the ecclesiastical and literary ministry of the early modern preachers of Geneva and Debrecen had. Readers will find that the Hungarian reformers did not directly refer to the written legacy of Luther or Calvin, but the sifting examination of the Registers of the Magistrates of Debrecen contributes significantly to demonstrating the effectiveness of the doctrines preached by the reformers in Eastern Hungary. Moreover, the elaboration on the public morals of Debrecen also allows a comparison of the moral life of the inhabitants of the two Reformed cities of Geneva and Debrecen.

John Calvin was devoted to restore the sanctity of the Genevan townsfolk, by which he understood the practical fulfilment of God’s Law, the Ten Commandments. To be sure, his primary intention was to exert an influence on the texture of daily life of the Genevan population. He delivered sermons and published-edited commentaries in order to establish his new theological ethics, and marital reforms concerning the adequate moral life of a Christian family. He fought against every kind of sexual crime, including fornication and adultery. However, while Calvin accepted in theory that adultery ought to be punished with death penalty, the Genevan reality was very different, because Calvin was preaching from the mercy of God day by day.

Calvin’s thoughts on Christian marriage and family life raised several historical, judiciary and social questions. An examination of Juhász Péter Méliusz’s Debrecen-Egervölgyi Confession and Major Articles shows that Calvin’s heritage deeply influenced the Hungarian Reformed teaching on engagement, marriage and divorce. Nonetheless, the readers will find that the reformers of the “Hungarian Reformed Church” did not cite directly the theological and ethical works of Calvin or Luther concerning the questions of fornication and adultery. An examination of the operation of the Magistracy of Debrecen reveals that, in case of adultery, sinners were allowed to receive the clemency of their spouses, extricating them from the legal procedure with this merciful statement: “I take no pleasure in the death of the wicked” (Ezech 33,11). Between 1547 and 1625 only 26 people (female: 17, male: 9) out of a total of 241 persons (female: 136, male: 105) accused of fornication and adultery were actually executed. Nevertheless, death sentence was promulgated in cases of serious fornication mixed with sexual violence or murder of infants.

John Calvin transformed the theology and law of sex, marriage and family life. Building on a generation of Protestant reformers, Calvin constructed a comprehensive new theology and law that made the conclusion and dissolution of marriage, the nurturing and welfare of children, family cohesion and support, sexual sin and crime essential concerns for both church and state. He drew the Consistory and Council of Geneva into a creative new alliance to guide and govern the reformation of the intimate domestic sphere. Calvin and his colleagues applied and adapted this new theology in hundreds of marriage and family-related lawsuits that were passed before the Consistory each year. „He set out his theological and ethical reforms in rich number of sermons, commentaries, and systematic writings” (John Witte). Despite the efforts of the Consistory and Council of Geneva, there were numerous cases of homosexuality, paedophilia, sexual assault, and bestiality, which made Calvin constantly anxious. He believed, if magistrates do not punish sexual crimes (e.g. adultery, fornication, sodomy), “a door will be thrown open for any kind of treachery, for poisoning, and murder, and robbery” and “Paul therefore denounces punishment not only on adulterers, but also on fornicators, for both depart from the holy institution of God”. For this reason, Calvin admitted, it would be good to drive out such public fornicators from the city in order to avoid scandals and to keep them from abusing themselves by fornication. Calvin’s legal and theological standpoint was: there is a greater danger in not punishing the crime or hiding the punishment, than in exerting a public and exemplary punishment with the aim of prevention. This is why the Genevan Council applied death penalty so often. But Calvin continued to preach about the Grace of God day after day.

The consolidation of the entire law system of Hungary during the 19th century (e. g. laws of 38/1868, 34/1874, 43/1895, and 33/1896) created a brand-new alliance between Austria (ruled by the Habsburg-house) and Hungary, which paved the way for the practical fulfillment of the Kiegyezés (Compromise / Ausgleich) in 1867. This special legal situation influenced not only the everyday life but also the higher educated levels of the so-called “Reformed Church of Hungary”. In this sparkling intellectual sphere, several essays, books, and cyclopedia were published related to the history of the Reformation and the life of John Calvin. Among the pieces of this irretrievable literary heritage, the collection of Calvin-biographies (1864−1906) written in Hungarian bears a distinctive role. In spite of the rich history of Hungarian Calvin-research, the several portraits of Calvin illuminated by these biographies have not been examined until now. Among the prominent representatives of the Hungarian Calvin researchers, Imre Révész did the first substantial contribution to the opening of the closed world of Calvin’s collective memories in Hungary. One of his best-known books was the Life of Calvin (1864). It was the first biography of Calvin published in Hungarian. However, Révész’s evaluation of Calvin’s personality and his role for example in Servetus’ death caused a long-standing debate in the published and the unpublished works of Calvin-researchers as well. Namely, Révész and his famous follower, Ferenc Balogh (1864), believed the reformer was “quite innocent” in the death penalty of Servetus, but their literary “opponents”, for instance Ferenc Szilágyi (1864), Pál Schneider (1877), Károly Szász (1878), Lajos Warga (1887), Ferenc Kanyaró (1891), and Jenő Zoványi (1908), depicted Calvin as a bloodthirsty tyrant, dictator of Geneva who persecuted intellectual freedom entirely.

Contemporaries of Calvin were less preoccupied with the Servetus-affair than modern researchers. Calvin is known to have taken care of the formal complaint and legal proceeding against Servetus. The evaluation of his person and role in Servetus’ death caused long-standing debates among the prominent representatives of the Hungarian Calvin researchers. For instance, Imre Révész, Sr., in his famous Calvin biography (Life of Calvin, 1864) and his follower, Ferenc Balogh (1864) believed the reformer was „quite innocent” in the death penalty of Servetus, but their literary opponents, namely Ferenc Szilágyi (1864), Károly Szász (1878), Lajos Warga (1887), Ferenc Kanyaró (1891), and Jenő Zoványi (1908) depicted Calvin as a bloodthirsty tyrant, dictator of Geneva who persecuted intellectual freedom.

This paper focuses on the early period of the reformer’s ministration, who was a very learned teacher, pastor and theologian at Geneva and Strasbourg. In these places he implemented his theological and ethical convictions against the destructive works of the Anabaptist radicals. Due to the persistently growing popularity of their heretical ideas concerning Christian baptism, church discipline, the Lord’s Supper, separation from the world, civil authority, and oaths, after the publication of his so called Psychopannychia (1534) and the Institutes (1536), Calvin had to continue his polemic fight against the left wing of the reformation. It is by no means surprising that Calvin’s works of 1537–1544 – for instance The Genevan Confession and Catechism,The Articles and the Brief Instruction for Arming all the Good Faithful against the Errors of the Common Sect of the Anabaptists – are full of religious and moral refutations opposing those whose beliefs were based on the “hated” articles of Confessio Schlattensis.

In the early period of the Reformation, this multifaceted radical movement divided the Protestantism into two theological camps. To magisterial reformers (Zwingly, Luther, Calvin), the task of the reformation was not only to remove impurities but to maintain continuity. Anabaptist reformers, on the other hand, saw the task of the reformation as a necessity for a new church modelled not on Catholicism before Boniface (as Luther considered) but on the church before Constantine, or even on the New Testament.